Research history

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The **identifiable victim effect** is the finding that people give more to help one specific person, with a name and a face, than to help a larger number of people described by statistics. It is a central part of the [Story Bias](/diagnosis/story-bias/).

## The classic study

In experiments published in 2007, Deborah Small, George Loewenstein and Paul Slovic paid participants $5 for an unrelated survey and then gave them a chance to donate some of it to Save the Children. Some saw an appeal about one child with a photograph. Others read statistics about food shortages affecting millions of people in southern and eastern Africa.

In the first study, people who saw the individual appeal and received no other information gave an average of $2.83. People who saw only the statistics gave $1.17. In a later study, adding the statistics to the individual story *reduced* giving to $1.43, compared with $2.38 for her story alone. And when people were taught about the identifiable victim effect before deciding, they gave less to the individual appeal but no more to the statistical victims. The authors concluded that deliberate thinking dampened sympathy for the identified victim without creating sympathy for the many.

## How big is it?

A 2016 meta-analysis by Seyoung Lee and Thomas Feeley pooled 41 studies and found an effect that was statistically significant but modest. It looked most reliable in particular conditions: a single victim, a photographed child in poverty, a victim who bore little responsibility for their need and a request for money.

In 2024 Maximilian Maier, Yik Chun Wong and Gilad Feldman published a pre-registered replication of the 2007 studies, using hypothetical donations. They found no support for the effect. They also reanalyzed the earlier meta-analysis, found signs of publication bias and suggested that the pattern may be better described as insensitivity to scale. The [replication record](https://forrt.org/flora-replication-atlas/doi/10.1016/j.obhdp.2006.01.005/) now lists the 2007 paper’s replication as failed.

The finding is now debated. One difference between the studies is that the 2007 donations were real money and the 2024 donations were hypothetical, and the replication’s authors themselves call for large studies with real donations. Those would go a long way to settling it.

## Why it matters for the system

Even at its most modest, the pattern points the same way as a wider body of research on [psychic numbing](/record/encyclopedia/psychic-numbing/): concern does not grow in proportion to the number of people in need. Charitology hypothesizes that a system relying on faces and stories may favor needs that are easier to portray. The studies here do not measure that system-wide allocation effect. Whether a story can carry scale instead of hiding it is [Open Problem 7, Story Without Bias](/open-problems/story-without-bias/). How often findings like this one hold up is [Open Problem 10](/open-problems/the-replication-rate/).

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    "body": "\nThe **identifiable victim effect** is the finding that people give more to help one specific person, with a name and a face, than to help a larger number of people described by statistics. It is a central part of the [Story Bias](/diagnosis/story-bias/).\n\n## The classic study\n\nIn experiments published in 2007, Deborah Small, George Loewenstein and Paul Slovic paid participants $5 for an unrelated survey and then gave them a chance to donate some of it to Save the Children. Some saw an appeal about one child with a photograph. Others read statistics about food shortages affecting millions of people in southern and eastern Africa.\n\nIn the first study, people who saw the individual appeal and received no other information gave an average of $2.83. People who saw only the statistics gave $1.17. In a later study, adding the statistics to the individual story *reduced* giving to $1.43, compared with $2.38 for her story alone. And when people were taught about the identifiable victim effect before deciding, they gave less to the individual appeal but no more to the statistical victims. The authors concluded that deliberate thinking dampened sympathy for the identified victim without creating sympathy for the many.\n\n## How big is it?\n\nA 2016 meta-analysis by Seyoung Lee and Thomas Feeley pooled 41 studies and found an effect that was statistically significant but modest. It looked most reliable in particular conditions: a single victim, a photographed child in poverty, a victim who bore little responsibility for their need and a request for money.\n\nIn 2024 Maximilian Maier, Yik Chun Wong and Gilad Feldman published a pre-registered replication of the 2007 studies, using hypothetical donations. They found no support for the effect. They also reanalyzed the earlier meta-analysis, found signs of publication bias and suggested that the pattern may be better described as insensitivity to scale. The [replication record](https://forrt.org/flora-replication-atlas/doi/10.1016/j.obhdp.2006.01.005/) now lists the 2007 paper’s replication as failed.\n\nThe finding is now debated. One difference between the studies is that the 2007 donations were real money and the 2024 donations were hypothetical, and the replication’s authors themselves call for large studies with real donations. Those would go a long way to settling it.\n\n## Why it matters for the system\n\nEven at its most modest, the pattern points the same way as a wider body of research on [psychic numbing](/record/encyclopedia/psychic-numbing/): concern does not grow in proportion to the number of people in need. Charitology hypothesizes that a system relying on faces and stories may favor needs that are easier to portray. The studies here do not measure that system-wide allocation effect. Whether a story can carry scale instead of hiding it is [Open Problem 7, Story Without Bias](/open-problems/story-without-bias/). How often findings like this one hold up is [Open Problem 10](/open-problems/the-replication-rate/).\n",
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          "note": "Freely readable at https://faculty.wharton.upenn.edu/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/Sympathy_and_callousness.pdf",
          "publisher": "Deborah A. Small, George Loewenstein and Paul Slovic, Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 102(2)",
          "title": "Sympathy and callousness: The impact of deliberative thought on donations to identifiable and statistical victims",
          "url": "https://doi.org/10.1016/j.obhdp.2006.01.005",
          "year": 2007
        },
        {
          "note": null,
          "publisher": "Seyoung Lee and Thomas Hugh Feeley, Social Influence 11(3)",
          "title": "The identifiable victim effect: a meta-analytic review",
          "url": "https://doi.org/10.1080/15534510.2016.1216891",
          "year": 2016
        },
        {
          "note": "Open manuscript and publication record at https://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/id/eprint/201115/",
          "publisher": "Maximilian Maier, Yik Chun Wong and Gilad Feldman, Collabra: Psychology 9(1)",
          "title": "Revisiting and Rethinking the Identifiable Victim Effect: Replication and Extension of Small, Loewenstein, and Slovic (2007)",
          "url": "https://doi.org/10.1525/collabra.90203",
          "year": 2024
        },
        {
          "note": null,
          "publisher": "FORRT",
          "title": "FLoRA Replication Atlas entry for Small, Loewenstein and Slovic (2007)",
          "url": "https://forrt.org/flora-replication-atlas/doi/10.1016/j.obhdp.2006.01.005/",
          "year": null
        }
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      "summary": "The tendency to give more to help one specific, identified person than to help many people described by statistics. It is one of the best-known findings about giving, and recent replications have questioned how large and reliable it is.",
      "title": "Identifiable victim effect"
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